Article – Centre for Afghanistan Studies (CAS) /jsia/cas Thu, 27 Aug 2026 08:15:55 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.8.1 The Eurasian Triple in Afghanistan: /jsia/cas/the-eurasian-triple-in-afghanistan/ Thu, 27 Aug 2026 08:15:55 +0000 /jsia/cas/?p=8512 This paper seeks to analyse the implications of a proposed regional bloc in Eurasia, between  India, Iran and Russia – hereby referred to as the ‘Troika’ – in the context of the strategic  stabilisation of Afghanistan’s political climate in the aftermath of the Taliban takeover,  stemming from the US retreat in August 2021. Afghanistan, thus, becomes a vital arena for  regional powers to pose as legitimate alternatives of power, in a highly polarised political  world. With the strengthening of infrastructure projects and trade aspirations between the three  countries, there is higher potential for protecting regional security, keeping check on narcotics  and weapons proliferation, and curbing cross-border terrorism. Through the methods of  literature and policy reviews, in-person interviews, and surveys, we have argued that the  Troika, in a future world, can become a safety net for the members in the bidirectional context  of conducting domestic and global affairs. For India, this forum serves as a means of checks  and balances in the context of three actors – Pakistan, China and the US; for Iran, it is  fundamental for smoother economic cooperation in the wake of mass-protests against  stagnating economic policy decisions, and Russia has sought to visualise aspirations in Asia  beyond the Central Asian Republics. Finally, for Afghanistan, the Troika offers a medium of  enhancing inclusivity and stability in internal socio-economic, political and security affairs in  a post-democratic regime.

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Afghan Refugees and India’s Refugee Dilemma /jsia/cas/afghan-refugees-and-indias-refugee-dilemma/ Thu, 27 Aug 2026 08:12:38 +0000 /jsia/cas/?p=8510 “Refugees are not terrorists. They are often the first victims of terrorism.” – António Guterres. (Kamboj, S. 2024, June 19)

India has long provided refuge to people escaping war and persecution. After the Taliban’s  return to power in August 2021, many Afghans—including former government officials,  women, minorities, journalists, and human rights activists—fled abroad and to India (Kaul,  2022). However, India lacks a formal refugee law, forcing most Afghan refugees to rely on the  UNHCR for aid and support. Afghan men face unemployment, financial insecurity, and the  constant fear of deportation, especially those with military or government backgrounds. For  Afghan women, the challenges are even more layered. Along with the trauma of displacement  and uncertain legal status, they also face gender-based discrimination. Many have limited  access to healthcare, education, and safe work opportunities. (Gender Perspectives on Afghan  Refugee Integration, n.d.; Kaul, 2022). Some are survivors of violence, with little institutional  support available in India. This paper explores how Afghan women uniquely experience  displacement and argues for the formulation of refugee protection law and gender-sensitive  policy.

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Threshold or Trajectory Implication of Taliban’s Takeover on South and Central Asia. /jsia/cas/threshold-or-trajectory-implication-of-talibans-takeover-on-south-and-central-asia/ Thu, 27 Aug 2026 08:05:40 +0000 /jsia/cas/?p=8508 Taliban took over Afghanistan on August 15, 2021, after the signing of the Doha agreement  between the United States and the Taliban. The agreement sets the date for the withdrawal of  the US troops and puts a condition on the Taliban to prevent groups such as Al-Qaeda from threatening the security of the US and its allies.

The return of the Taliban has significantly affected Central and South Asia; it has exacerbated  tension related to perceived security threats, including border security, the issue of refugees,  and humanitarian crises. For instance, the Taliban’s return raises severe security concerns for  Pakistan as organizations like Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and The Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISI-K) have increased their operation.

Similarly, there has been an issue of outflow of refugees from Afghanistan resulting from  factors like economic collapse, severe restrictions by the Taliban, poverty, and natural  disasters. Besides, there has been an issue of drug trafficking, cross-border skirmishes, and  increased militancy.

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Afghanistan’s Strategic Indispensability Under Taliban Rule: Conditional Legitimacy and Regional Security Complex Theory /jsia/cas/afghanistans-strategic-indispensability-under-taliban-rule-conditional-legitimacy-and-regional-security-complex-theory/ Thu, 27 Aug 2026 07:58:32 +0000 /jsia/cas/?p=8506 Afghanistan sits at the crossroads of South Asia, Central Asia, and the Middle East. This  geographic reality has historically attracted external influence and great-power competition.1 The Taliban regained control of the government in August 2021, following the rapid  withdrawal of NATO troops. This has further complicated the situation and made it a key issue  in International Relations (IR) theory. Internal factors influence regional actors, and the  international system has hesitated to fully accept the Taliban’s role.2 Complex forms of  engagement are now occurring. This case challenges mainstream IR views, which assert that  states must be recognised before formal interaction and cooperation. The aim of this paper is  to answer the following research question: How does the Taliban regime in Afghanistan gain  de facto ‘strategic-necessity legitimacy’ in its regional security complex, despite limited formal  recognition?

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Borders That Bleed: Durand Line, Pashtun Identity, and the Failure of Colonial Cartography. /jsia/cas/borders-that-bleed-durand-line-pashtun-identity-and-the-failure-of-colonial-cartography/ Thu, 27 Aug 2026 07:52:53 +0000 /jsia/cas/?p=8503 Durand Line is one of the most disputed borders in the world, which was created in 1893 as  a colonial border between British India and Afghanistan. The Line was a politically and culturally illogical boundary dividing the tribal lands of Pashtun, and was created as an administrative convenience instead of a culturally and politically coherent border. The proposed paper explores the Durand Line case study as an example of the continued failure of colonial cartography, holding that its survival has played a major role in the instability of the region, identity crisis, and confusion in the law of South Asia1. Placing the Durand Line in the context of imperial boundary-making, the research paper examines how the colonial states were keen on strategic domination of the native realities. In the paper, the historical context of the Anglo-Afghan accords is followed, which demonstrates the lack of balance of power, the absence of the Pashtun consent, and the lack of democratic legitimacy in the formation of the boundary. It also examines how the artificial demarcation interfered with the conventional forms of governance, tribal movement and economic ties that were at the core of the Pashtun society. Another concept the research is also involved in was the concept of Pashtun identity, which underlines the validity of the Durand Line due to transboundary kinship, customary law (Pashtunwali), and collective memory. Although the international community has accepted the border as Pakistan claims, Afghanistan has been steadfast in refusing to formally accept the border, which highlights the legal and political ambiguity of the border.

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Gender as Passport: Baccha Posh and Citizenship under the Taliban /jsia/cas/gender-as-passport-baccha-posh-and-citizenship-under-the-taliban/ Thu, 27 Aug 2026 07:49:05 +0000 /jsia/cas/?p=8501 Sudarshini Ghosh, Renaisaa Sharma, Honshooja Paul Chowdhury1

Citizenship has long been theorised primarily as a formal legal designation, as a status conferred by the state upon those it recognises as belonging. However, to reduce citizenship to legal status only is to ignore the lived, embodied, and deeply political processes through which people come to be recognised or denied recognition. What has become increasingly more visible is that citizenship is not merely held; it is performed. And nowhere is this more apparent than under totalitarian rule, where the performance of citizenship is not a right but a coercion which is choreographed by the regime and enforced through terror. The Taliban rule has heavily narrowed down visibility for many gender and sexual minorities, by enforcing strict binaries and norms, making any possible deviation punishable by law. In such a repressive environment, non-citizenship is manufactured through compelled silence and systematic erasure. Citizenship, at large, becomes a gendered performance, and deflection risks potentially fatal consequences.

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China’s strategic calculus in Afghanistan /jsia/cas/chinas-strategic-calculus-in-afghanistan/ Thu, 27 Aug 2026 07:45:07 +0000 /jsia/cas/?p=8499 Introduction-

As  Afghanistan emerges as a strategic focal point in the regional ambit, various global players are thronging to secure an eminent position on the establishment of stability and peace in the country since the Taliban takeover and subsequent complete withdrawal by the Western forces had created a political and security vacuum. After two decades of military involvement and trillions of dollars invested, coupled with the Taliban’s failure to honour its promises and repeated violations of the Doha agreement, it remains very unlikely that any western governments including the European union will be willing to politically invest in Afghanistan that will go beyond just humanitarian assistance. This leaves the door open to other players to broker security deals with the Taliban. One of those could be China, as a stable and secured Afghanistan could be the next valuable addition to its Belt and Road initiative which would increase its dominance in Central Asia. For the Taliban, China could bring financial assistance and political legitimisation.

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Beyond The Burqa: A Feminist Critique Of Feminist Intervention In Afghanistan /jsia/cas/beyond-the-burqa-a-feminist-critique-of-feminist-intervention-in-afghanistan/ Thu, 27 Aug 2026 07:41:31 +0000 /jsia/cas/?p=8497 Today, everyone is aware of women’s condition in Afghanistan and the oppression they  have been going through since the Taliban took control over the country in 2021. But  there is more to the story of women in Afghanistan; their journey has been through many  ups and downs over the last few decades.

This research paper will explore how the foreign policy of countries, including the United  States, NATO members, regional powers like Pakistan, Iran, China, and others, has impacted the lives of women in Afghanistan since 2001. The analysis would be done  from both Western and indigenous Afghan feminist lenses.

Afghanistan has become the focal point for competing foreign policy agendas since US US-led invasion in 2001, many of which claim to protect Afghan women. Early on, Women’s rights were explicitly invoked as a justification for military intervention by  Western countries. Former First Lady Laura Bush, in 2001 in her speech framed the war  on terror as a “fight for women’s rights and dignity.” This narrative was later criticized for  using Afghan women as a symbol in a “white savior” war narrative. Scholars term this  “embedded feminism,” noting that liberating Afghan women’s narrative helped  legitimize war.

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Surpassing the Hindu-Kush: Trilateral Imperatives and Contemporary Diplomacy in the India-Russia-Iran Afghan Constellation /jsia/cas/surpassing-the-hindu-kush-trilateral-imperatives-and-contemporary-diplomacy-in-the-india-russia-iran-afghan-constellation/ Thu, 27 Aug 2026 07:35:39 +0000 /jsia/cas/?p=8495 This paper analyzes the distinct diplomatic modalities of the India Russia-Iran troika with respect to the Afghan constellation, and their impact on regional  security and the opportunities they seek to withhold. Russia employs technical diplomacy  focused on infrastructure-centric statecraft, including labour migration and digital projects.  India utilizes soft power through extensive humanitarian assistance and reconstruction,  investing nearly $3 billion in development projects. Iran exercises coercive leverage via water  rights disputes, and military posturing. The critical research gap identified is how these  divergent methodologies, each rational individually, create a fragmented security architecture  that undermines coordinated responses to converging threats like the Islamic State-Khorasan  Province, thereby compromising regional stability. Writing in early 2026, the analysis  confronts a transformed or rather evolved ++landscape: Russia became the first country to  formally recognize the Taliban government (July 2025) and since has commenced defence  ministry level cooperation. India upgraded its Kabul mission to a full embassy and received  Taliban Foreign Minister Muttaqi in New Delhi (October 2025), with engagement accelerated  by Operation Sindoor. Iran has deported approximately 750,000 Afghans, made a FM level  visit to Kabul on water issues (January 2025), yet remains the only Troika member to not  recognize the IEA. The paper argues that Russia’s recognition and mediation role, India’s  development legitimacy, and Iran’s border leverage now constitutes a more powerful potential  coalition than at any point since 2021, but that translating this structural convergence into  managed coordination, requires deliberate institutional effort.

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Multilateralism without Recognition: Managed Non-Recognition and the Governance of Contested Authority in Afghanistan /jsia/cas/multilateralism-without-recognition-managed-non-recognition-and-the-governance-of-contested-authority-in-afghanistan/ Thu, 27 Aug 2026 07:29:26 +0000 /jsia/cas/?p=8493 The return of the Taliban to power in August 2021 has generated a structural dilemma for the  contemporary international order: how can international actors engage a de facto authority that  exercises effective territorial control while withholding formal diplomatic recognition? While  Afghanistan continues to exist as a recognised state in international law, most states have  refused to recognise the Taliban government due to concerns regarding inclusivity,  constitutional process, and systematic restrictions on women’s rights. Yet complete  disengagement has proven impractical in light of acute humanitarian crisis, economic collapse,  and regional security externalities.

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